The American Dream: Why Brazilians Are Heading to the US
OMG, like there are four possible 'sub effects' that can happen, ya know?
They're like unintended consequences that can be thought of from a theoretical standpoint: a) spacey; b) category vibes; c) time travel-ish; d) reverse flow (when immigration restriction messes with return making effects on net migration all confusing and stuff). That being said, like, hardly any studies consider the whole range of all possible effects and externalities, ya know?Methodologically, like, most of the studies with big geographical and time coverage have been all about looking at the association (like, correlation) between policies and outcomes, while case studies have been all about tracing the causal effect between the two. The rest of this section is like split into two parts, fam: one that's all about comprehensive approaches that don't even care about different migration categories, and the other one that's like only looking at one policy area, you know? Like, it could be all about labor migration or asylum, you feel me?
Docquier et al. found that having fam abroad increases the pool of potential and, to a narrower extent, actual migration (2014c, 79–80).
Lit fam be boostin' the migration game, ya know? This is hella important cuz, like, even if people ain't movin' for money when the economy's weak, havin' big communities in new countries can still keep immigration goin', ya know? Especially when fams get back together and stuff. In policy terms, this means that 'education-based migrant selection rules [read: point-based systems] are likely to have a moderate impact, especially in countries hosting large diasporas' (Beine, Docquier, and Özden 2011, 31) slaps hard fam. Belot and Hatton tryna put a number on this when they look into why immigrants get chosen in OECD countries, and they find that having a points-based system 'boosts the number of highly skilled peeps in migration by like six percentage points' (M. V. K. Belot and Hatton 2012, 1123).Ortega and Peri are, like, totally different from what the books say, ya know? They're all like, "harsh entry laws totally make people not wanna immigrate." Each reform that introduced mad strict rules for immigrants decreased immigration flows by like 6% to 10%, fam. (Peri and Ortega 2009, 3) periodt. They be categorizing laws based on if they're liberal or restrictive, and like, separating the laws about asylum seekers from the ones about other types of immigrants, ya know? (Peri and Ortega 2009, 2) periodt.
Do labor or asylum migration policies lowkey balance out the numbers and rights, fam?
Ruhs and Martin think there's, like, a total bummer connection between how many labor immigrants a country lets in each year and the rights they get once they're in (Ruhs and Martin 2008). In the lit, this has been framed as the numbers vs. rights hypothesis. OMG, like the two authors totally say that this hypothesis is legit for two diff reasons. On a micro-economic argument, the main reason for this negative vibe is that rights can be a total drag for employers, and when labor costs go up, the demand for labor usually goes down. A second, poli econ argument would say that the political flex in most high income countries is to minimize the fiscal costs that might come up cuz of low-skilled immigration, either by keeping migrant numbers low or by restricting migrants' access to the social welfare system. While Ruhs and Martin provided some tea for this relationship (Ruhs and Martin 2008), and Ruhs has then spilled more tea on this initial hypothesis (Ruhs 2015), others are more skeptical of both the theoretical vibes of this expectation and the empirical receipts supporting it (Cummins and Rodríguez 2010b, 2010a).
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