The Role of Local Governments in US Business Approval

Kenney displayed a good knowledge of conservative concepts and public policy, as well as a profound commitment to Canadian institutions and values. He also shared some personal reflections on his journey from self-described "ideological firebrand" to recognizing conservatism as a disposition rather than a dogma.There were a lot of fascinating insights. His thoughts about the intersections of immigration, culture, and national identity were particularly insightful. Kenney, as one of the most successful federal immigration ministers in modern Canadian history and a model for conservatives across the Anglosphere on these matters, has a wealth of experience and knowledge to draw on.His main thesis was that a successful immigration policy must have a strong commitment to cultural and religious diversity, economic inclusion, and a common sense of citizenship. These qualities are ultimately crucial for attracting immigrants, facilitating their assimilation into the economy and culture, and retaining widespread popular support.Kenney's remarks on the growing agitation within Canadian conservatism were also noteworthy. He highlighted a change from Ralph Klein's "friendly populism" to a "populism with a snarl" in the current political situation. He mentioned the influence of social media, as well as the rising separation from legacy media and the rise of alternative media, as important drivers of this trend. The end result was his warning that conservatism should avoid becoming a "caricature of a kind of nasty, angry populism that will consistently lose at the polls."

As part of this exchange, Kenney made a widely 

reported demand for civility on both sides of the political spectrum. He stated: "I realize this is an old-fashioned view, but I truly believe civility is a conservative principle. And there is an increasing sense of terrible incivility. And it troubles me deeply."The Left and Right's split reactions to our talk support Kenney's claim. His words have been condemned on both sides in a manner that appears disconnected from his views or record. In other words, Kenney's critics see him as a true caricature.The Left's antagonism reflects a typical pattern in which it rhetorically asks, "Where are all the reasonable conservatives?" while treating Kenney, a very normal, center-right politician, as if he is some radical ideologue because he reduced taxes, cut expenditure, and believes that children should learn facts in school. The expected protestations and fury are, simply, tiresome. In general, they are expressions of bigotry disguised as tolerance.The hostility from the right is somewhat shocking. The Kenney administration may not have been ideal from a conservative standpoint, but it seems like an unusual standard for conservatives who, if anything, should be committed to basic realism. Conservatism, after all, is about viewing the world as it is rather than through a utopian prism.As I've already stated, Kenney's record is one of considerable conservative reform. His administration decreased taxes, regulations, and spending to balance the budget, expanded school choice and implemented a new, rational curriculum, and dramatically expanded private health-care delivery. Many of the premier's right-wing critics have long supported these concepts and policies. They can't seem to accept "yes" as an answer.

Consider this thinking experiment: if you 

removed Kenney's name and simply presented his government's record to conservatives in hypothetical terms, how do you think they would react? I bet they'd be overwhelmingly positive. And with good reason. As I wrote for The Hub shortly after the premier's departure, "[this] was the country's most ambitious centre-right provincial government since the Harris government's Common-Sense Revolution in Ontario more than a quarter-century ago."The primary source of conflict was, of course, the government's pandemic response. My understanding is that this primarily involved two factions of Alberta conservatives. The first made valid but disputed criticisms of the government's communications and policy decisions. It boils down to issues of knowledge asymmetry, trade-offs, and the value of hindsight. Kenney could even agree on some of these arguments.Throughout the pandemic, the second group grew increasingly difficult to reach. Their opposition to the government's pandemic measures grew into a passionate obstinacy that overshadowed facts and argument. Some people were naturally upset by the costs and effects of unprecedented government restrictions, such as the loss of family businesses, the temporary closure of houses of worship, and the inability to visit aged or dying relatives. Others fell victim to conspiracy ideas including the World Economic Forum, Bill Gates, and vaccines. The point is that this second group, which eventually played a crucial role in the UCP leadership review, became increasingly and irreversibly estranged from the premier and his administration.

The political dilemma, as one of Kenney's

top detractors noted to me at the conference, is that this has left him awkwardly positioned between those on his Left who support stricter COVID limitations and those on his Right who oppose them. It became an untenable political position, ultimately costing the premier his job.There's no purpose in resolving these issues now that Kenney's term is officially over. But, as he prepares to leave public life, it's worth noting his enormous contribution to the country in general, and Canadian conservatism in particular. He has left a lasting legacy as a fundamental architect of the contemporary Conservative Party and its nearly decade in office, as well as the founding leader of the United Conservative Party and a reform-minded premier. As I mentioned in my closing remarks, the next generation of conservatives will undoubtedly stand on his shoulders.Sean Speer is the Hub's Editor-at-Large. He is also a university lecturer at the University of Toronto and Carleton University, as well as a think-tank researcher and columnist. He formerly worked as a senior economic adviser for Prime Minister Stephen Harper.Read more.